LYSISTRATA IN GANGLAND 2012
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This dazzling new Carol will fill the Wyly Theatre with music and special effects — from flying ghosts to falling snow — with the audience right in the middle of the action. Rhythms pound. Violence escalates. A Chicano delinquent fights his way to the pinnacle of gangland power. But not even he can win the ultimate battle against fate.
A musical based on the bestselling novel by Jonathan Lethem, The Fortress of Solitude is a story of how racial differences impact two boys, Dylan and Mingus, growing up in s America. It is the story of prison and of college; of Brooklyn and Berkeley; of soul and rap; of murder and redemption. And, it is the story of what would happen if two teenage boys obsessed with comic book heroes actually Subscriptions can be purchased online at DallasTheaterCenter. Visit DallasTheaterCenter. Click or Swipe to close. Dallas Theater Center's Season Next season, Dallas Theater Center has another world premiere musical, an interesting dialogue between a classic and contemporary play, and more.
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ZIP Code:. Your Email Address:. Whereas competition from foreign workers bothers politicians a great deal, the adverse effects of competition from foreign companies seem not to worry them. Perhaps it should. A body of research shows that, rather like free migration, free trade has big overall benefits but creates some losers. Most governments take steps to compensate them. Britain is about twice as exposed to foreign trade as America. Yet its specific programmes to help the losers from import competition are much more modest.
The RRS is supposed to provide training and support when there are mass redundancies. Oddly, no figures are published about its budget or its operations. Unless the government gets better at helping the losers from free trade, anti-trade sentiment may one day rival the hysteria over foreign workers. It would have been an unsurprising, reassuring headline, except that China had reported exactly the same figure for the previous quarter—and for the quarter before that.
China has expanded at the same pace from one quarter to the next on numerous occasions. But it has never before claimed to grow at exactly the same rate for three quarters in a row. Has anywhere? Seven other countries have reported the same growth rate for three quarters in a row, according to a database spanning 83 countries since , compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit, our sister company.
The list includes emerging economies like Brazil, Croatia, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam, but also two mature economies: Austria and Spain. Indeed, Spain has performed this miracle of consistency twice. It grew by 3. Those were the days. Fourteen countries, including America, have reported a smaller average gap. But if the number-crunchers are to blame, one wonders why they do not try harder to hide it.
Brexiteers cheered: yet another example of croissant-scoffing continentals meddling with British traditions, such as burning bread to a crisp. In fact, the EU does not regulate the energy consumption of toasters—and on October 25th it appeared to abandon any plans of doing so. According to internal documents from the European Commission, toasters, kettles and hairdryers are unlikely to be included on a list of new products covered by the Ecodesign Directive, which sets rules on improving the energy efficiency of appliances.
Such rules are wildly unpopular, and not just with grumpy Brits. On its website, the right-wing Alternative for Germany party sells incandescent lightbulbs which the EU has phased out as a rather dimly lit protest gesture. The Ecodesign Directive makes products more energy-efficient. This means that their appliances—whether fridges, vacuum-cleaners or televisions—are cheaper to run over their lifetime, even if the product is initially more expensive. Greener types are also concerned about the commission's decision to stall the revision of existing standards that have either been overtaken by advances in efficiency or were set too low to start with.
Jean-Claude Juncker, the president of the commission, is not known for backing down easily in the face of opposition. Yet he appeared to be particularly concerned by the backlash against the energy-efficiency policy. This hints at how sensitive the EU has become to populist discontent, which is now fairly mainstream: according to the latest poll Brussels is trusted by barely a third of Europeans.
This has now been clarified. The economy, mired in recession since mid, is not expected to stir before the end of the year—and then only sluggishly. After rebounding in the first half of , industrial production plummeted again in August. Retail sales fell by more than forecast. For all that, Mr Diniz is not alone in his optimism. Surveys point to rising confidence among bosses and consumers alike see chart.
The real has strengthened by a third against the dollar since January. The collective mood swing has less to do with the real economy, and more with realpolitik. In August the left-wing president, Dilma Rousseff, was impeached, ending months of uncertainty. Her pragmatic deputy, Michel Temer, will serve out the remaining 26 months off her term.
When she came to office in and lavished cheap credit and tax breaks on firms, bosses did not complain. They rebelled when her constant meddling first distorted, then crippled, the economy. Bosses gush about easy access to ministers, even the president himself. It passed the second on October 25th. A complementary reform to over-generous public pensions is in the works.
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A promise of fiscal rectitude has helped dampen inflation expectations, allowing the central bank to cut interest rates for the first time in four years on October 19th, from So too are other market-friendly measures, such as easing onerous local-content requirements for some industries and enlisting the private sector to build and run roads, ports and airports. For business to thrive, bosses never tire of repeating, Brazil must also tackle assorted structural deficiencies. Besides costly credit, perennial grumbles include shoddy infrastructure, unskilled workers, convoluted taxes, rigid labour laws and Byzantine bureaucracy.
Some take matters into their own hands. Daimler, a German carmaker, teaches English to technicians so that they can read technical manuals. Most companies cannot afford language classes, let alone jets. All abhor red tape. In the office of Guilherme Afif, chairman of SEBRAE, a group for small businesses, a printout of all the rules even tiny firms must obey takes up fully five metres of shelf space.
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The average Brazilian corporation spends 2, man-hours annually complying with the tax code, ten times the global figure see article. For decades, fixing these gripes has eluded even popular presidents.
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Some bosses urge him to undertake tough, early action. Better to stick with emergency fiscal measures and leave deeper reforms to his successor. Many would be content with stop-gaps: a law to make outsourcing easier, say, rather than an overhaul of the sacrosanct labour code dating back to A tractor-maker in the southern state of Santa Catarina could use an extra 50 staff, its boss admits. But he is loth to hire, lest Mr Temer stumbles and confidence evaporates.
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Schools have reopened. Aid has begun to trickle into the area, as have thousands of people from neighbouring villages and some 7, Syrian refugees returning from Turkey. The militants, she says, once asked her husband to whip her for not wearing a niqab. Since the Turks rolled into town, she has swapped it for a yellow headscarf. He now has what he wished for. With Turkish troops and their Syrian proxies in control of an area stretching from Jarablus to Azaz, some 90km 55 miles west, Mr Erdogan has killed two birds with one stone.
He has pushed IS militants far enough from the border to lower the risk of rocket attacks against Turkish towns.
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Turkish and rebel forces intend to push further south. Earlier this month they easily overran the town of Dabiq see article. They now plan to march on al-Bab, where the fighting is expected to be much more intense. All this may become a drain on resources. Turkey cannot make much more headway without additional troops, says Can Acun, a researcher at SETA, a pro-government think-tank.
Some of the rebels in Jarablus would eventually like to take the fight to the regime of Bashar al-Assad. They may not get their wish. Having grudgingly accepted that Mr Assad is not going away, Turkey is no longer in the business of regime change in Syria. Focused instead on its backyard, it has struck a bargain with Russia, analysts say. If it acts against Russian interests, Russia can make problems for it in Syria.
Over the past couple of weeks, he has repeatedly claimed a century-old right to intervene on his southern periphery. The bombing killed up to fighters, the army said. Over the objections of his Iraqi neighbours and American allies, Mr Erdogan has also clamoured for a greater role in the offensive against IS in Mosul, citing a duty to protect his fellow Sunnis from Shia militias. His talk of an incursion is probably bluster, designed to sustain a wave of nationalist frenzy that Mr Erdogan seeks to ride to a new constitution and an executive presidency next year.
But Mr Erdogan may surprise. You do not know. Want more from The Economist?
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